지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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This paper examines the effects of d-linking on the acceptability of case ellipsis for wh-subjects. Previous syntactic accounts of case ellipsis have suggested that the interpretation of case-ellipsed wh-subjects is more restricted compared to that of case-ellipsed wh-objects appearing in their canonical position in that these subjects are left-dislocated phrases that have only a d(iscourse)-linked interpretation (Ahn and Cho 2006a, 2006b, 2007, 2009). Using experimental evidence, we argue against approaches to case ellipsis rigidly linking the syntactic position of argument NPs and their interpretation and formal realization. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for both d-linking effects on case ellipsis and the gradient acceptability of case ellipsis for wh-arguments of different classes of verbs in terms of the usage probability associated with argument NPs. Evidence from an acceptability rating experiment demonstrates that case ellipsis is more acceptable for the type of subject that has a higher probability of accommodating new information and that d-linking effects are more strongly discernable in case ellipsis for this type of subject. We argue that the different strength of the d-linking effect on case ellipsis for the wh-subject of transitive verbs and that of informationally light unaccusative verbs can be explained by the effect of (in)frequency taking priority over predictability.
목차
1. Introduction
2. Ahn and Cho’s Syntactic Account
3. Usage Probability, Syntactic Reduction and D-linking Effects on Case Ellipsis
4. Experimental Data
5. Conclusion
References
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2016-701-001095813