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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
논문 기본 정보
- 자료유형
- 학술저널
- 저자정보
- 저널정보
- 역사교육연구회 역사교육 歷史敎育 第161輯
- 발행연도
- 2022.3
- 수록면
- 29 - 63 (35page)
- DOI
- 10.18622/kher.2022.03.161.29
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초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
The purpose of this article is to analyze the background of the Myanmar’s military(Tatmadaw) coup on February 1, 2021, based on the military’s internal and external environment, and to explore dynamics of competition and conflict between the military and the people. In detail, it is intended to focus on the fundamental reasons why the old institution such as the military seizes political power and the people’s resistance to the coup under the situation which has undergone a short process of democratization, In doing so, it focus on verifying the factors that inevitably led to the coup in perspective of the the civilian-military relationship replacing with the structure and the agency. If we understand the civilian-military relationship that had been solidified internally, we could trace the reason of the military coup, interpretation of a subsequent situations that have taken place after the coup, and prospect of the political development.
The military has enjoyed “reserved domains” in the areas of administration and legislature based on the Constitution, but the level of military control by the civilian government was relatively higher than that of the administration. Being conflicts and cracks among the nationals, such as Sangha, ethnic Burman and the ethnic minorities, the older and the MZ generations, and the existence of dalang which is a supporting group to the military, it was not able to make collective resistance against the military. Furthermore, it is sure that the military, which lost its self-control, staged acoup to defend collective interests under the weak situation of vertical and horizontal control by the civilian government.
In conclusion, achieving democratization at the institutional level seems to be a long way off, unless the military voluntarily returns to the barracks. Although the military returns to the barracks or democratic bloc restores democratization, if the principle of civilian supremacy over the military will not be realized, then the future of democracy will not be bright. Therefore, strategy for civilian supremacy over the military should be promoted as a mid and long term task, and civil society should choose and promote national reconciliation and integration as its top priority before solidifying democracy’s confidence through strengthening its internal capabilities.
The military has enjoyed “reserved domains” in the areas of administration and legislature based on the Constitution, but the level of military control by the civilian government was relatively higher than that of the administration. Being conflicts and cracks among the nationals, such as Sangha, ethnic Burman and the ethnic minorities, the older and the MZ generations, and the existence of dalang which is a supporting group to the military, it was not able to make collective resistance against the military. Furthermore, it is sure that the military, which lost its self-control, staged acoup to defend collective interests under the weak situation of vertical and horizontal control by the civilian government.
In conclusion, achieving democratization at the institutional level seems to be a long way off, unless the military voluntarily returns to the barracks. Although the military returns to the barracks or democratic bloc restores democratization, if the principle of civilian supremacy over the military will not be realized, then the future of democracy will not be bright. Therefore, strategy for civilian supremacy over the military should be promoted as a mid and long term task, and civil society should choose and promote national reconciliation and integration as its top priority before solidifying democracy’s confidence through strengthening its internal capabilities.
목차
1. 序言
2. 이론적 논의: 신생민주주의에서 민간-군부 간 관계
3. 군부에 대한 수직적 통제: 헌법적 집정관주의의 재현
4. 군부에 대한 수평적 통제: 사회적 균열의 심화
5. 군부의 자기 통제
6. 結語: 정치발전의 미래
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